Please evaluate the attached research paper. You will be expected to show that you understand the kind of contribution the author(s) is / are making to an area of debate in education research. You might find it helpful to ask some of the following questions in order to ‘open up’ your chosen research text or texts. You do not have to cover all these questions, please use them as a guide. Remember that an ‘analysis’ does not mean coming up with needlessly critical complaints, for instance that the author should have interviewed ‘more participants’: the point is to relate this article(s) to your own interests and think about how it might inform – be a resource for – your own approach.

· Who is the author? What do you know about them, where are they located institutionally and in terms of discipline?

· What (kind of) journal is the article published in? Think about discipline, focus, readership…

· Is the problem or question to be addressed clearly outlined? And how is its importance established?

· What academic ‘conversation’ or body of literatures is the text engaging with?

· What kind of criteria might be appropriate for judging this text?

· How are knowledge claims established and defended?

· Could this text convince someone who was initially sceptical of the claims being made?

· How transparent is the research process? Do you have sufficient information to make a judgement regarding the findings?

· Where does this text get its authority?

· How does this text persuade?

· Whose ‘voices’ are privileged in this text? Who is silenced?

· Who is included in the research sample, and who is not? Does this matter?

· Who responded and who is ‘missing’?

· How are subjects drawn in this text? Who / what gets agency?

· What kind of reader is this text addressing?

· Where are the gaps, silences and inconsistencies in this text?

· What is the role of theory in this text?

· What account of methodology is provided (that is, theory about why certain methods have been used, theory about what is in the world and how we come to know it)?

· Is the evidence given sufficient to support the claims made? What other evidence would you like to see? Or, is ‘evidence’ the key issue here anyway?

· How are ethical issues addressed?

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UNFORMATTED ATTACHMENT PREVIEW

British Journal of Sociology of Education ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cbse20 Diversity without integration? Racialization and spaces of exclusion in international higher education Shanshan Jiang To cite this article: Shanshan Jiang (2021) Diversity without integration? Racialization and spaces of exclusion in international higher education, British Journal of Sociology of Education, 42:1, 32-47, DOI: 10.1080/01425692.2020.1847635 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/01425692.2020.1847635 Published online: 28 Nov 2020. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 562 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cbse20 British Journal of Sociology of Education 2021, VOL. 42, NO. 1, 33–48 https://doi.org/10.1080/01425692.2020.1847635  Diversity without integration? Racialization and spaces of exclusion in international higher education Shanshan Jiang Department of Educational Policy Studies, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Madison, WI, USA ABSTRACT In predominantly white universities in the United States, international students are frequently exposed to racism, xenophobia, and other forms of exclusion. This ethnographic research examines how students from China’s Pearl River Delta negotiate a predominantly white Midwestern university in an era of reenergized racism and nationalism. It reveals the persistence of the ideology of whiteness and culture-based exclusion, which not only racialize foreign students of color, but also engage with this student population to perpetuate white supremacy. It also highlights race as a transnational construct, where China’s state ideology of anti-Blackness and Han ethnocentrism powerfully push Chinese students to isolate from Black and Asian American communities. ARTICLE HISTORY Received 4 March 2020 Accepted 2 November 2020 KEYWORDS Race; exclusion; transnationalism of higher education; China; US Introduction Since the 2016 presidential election, resurgent racism and nationalism in the United States (US) have been increasingly targeting students of color in academic, residential, and social spaces. Racist graffiti against Black and Asian students, anti-Semitic messages to faculties, and assaults based on national origin and ethnicity rose significantly in universities (Bauman 2018). These incidents alert us to the urgency of interrogating inclusion and exclusion on university campuses. It is also imperative to discuss racial equity in education because a growing number of foreign students of color are pursuing education in the US at a time that celebrates diversity but is silent on race. In 2019, international student population in the US exceeded one million, contributing an estimated 41 billion USD to the US economy (NAFSA 2019). Among all the international students in the US, 69 percent are from Asia and Latin America (IIE 2019). Existing literature shows that foreign students of color are more likely to experience racism than their white international student counterparts (Constantine et al. 2005; Hanassab 2006; Lee and Rice 2007). Besides institutional racism, microaggressions and stereotyping are also affecting college experiences of foreign students of color, who have a higher risk of depression (Li, Wang, and Xiao 2019), acculturative stress (Franco et al. 2019), and victimization (Bonistall Postel 2020). In this article, I investigate the ways in which race and racialization shape academic and social spaces as well as educational experiences in an era of globalization of higher education. CONTACT Shanshan Jiang sjiang33@wisc.edu © 2020 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group 34 S. JIANG I specifically examine how a group of socioeconomically elite Chinese students are racialized as the Others, while racializing local Black and Brown communities in a predominantly white university town in the US Midwest. When conceptualizing race and racialization as global constitutes, this study also attends to the various local forms of practices which have undermined pre-existing racial orders to generate new forms of inclusion and exclusion. I argue that these Chinese students are largely objectified as capital and a diversity signifier in the US. At the same time, these international students also internalize China’s racial discourses and Han ethnocentric ideologies, which resemble whiteness ideology, to racialize local Black, Latinx, and Asian American communities. Literature review Towards a transnational construction of race Transnationalism offers an important lens to understand the spatial, political and cultural connections between the construction of race. Postcolonial scholars have challenged the place-bound assumption of race by emphasizing the mobility of racial constructs. Frantz Fanon (1952) looks at how the colonial racial order and racism continue in regions outside colonies, and ideas of race and racism are produced and transmitted across borders. Edward Said (1979) investigates the dialogical construction of the Self and the Other through the discourse of ‘Orientalism’, which distinguish the ‘superior’ West from the ‘inferior’ rest. Similarly, Quijano (2000) examines how practices of grouping—such as differentiating the ‘European modern selves’ from ‘local primitive others’—homogenized indigenous populations with distinct cultures as one ‘race’ to build an alienated labor force for sustaining capitalist production. The idea of treating racism as a global construct, instead of a local one, is reinforced in recent research on globalization and racial constitution. In Clarke and Thomas (2006) edited book Globalization and Race: Transformations in the Cultural Production of Blackness, the authors foreground racial formation as a transnational process that is constructed in local histories, cultures, and societies, yet works together with globality. Clarke and Thomas center the question of ‘who travels, what travels, and how transnational connections are made’ to particular geographies and economies. In this study, I also employ Clarke and Thomas’ framework to show how racial formation, as a process rather than a static or fixed category, articulates with other processes, such the globalization of higher education (32). Race and racism in higher education In higher educational institutions, imaginaries of race and racism have long been circulated and consolidated, where whiteness is often normalized. Whiteness, as Bush (2004) articulates, indicates ‘the ways in which whites benefit from a variety of institutional and social arrangements that often appear (to whites) to have nothing to do with race’ (6). Institutional racism, defined as ‘the collective failure of an organization to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their color, culture or ethnic origin’ (Macpherson 1999, 34), have long negatively shaped the educational experiences of students of color. Abundant literature has pointed out the institutional racism embedded in the Western British Journal of Sociology of Education 35 higher education systems, including the persistent high representation of white students in four-year universities (Brown et al. 2003), ubiquitous microaggressions and surveillance towards Black and ethnic minority faculties and staff (Gabriel and Tate 2017), and the lower percentage of people of color in senior decision-making roles compared to their white colleagues (Bhopal and and Pitkin 2018). Specifically looking at the predominantly white institutions, Karkouti (2016) argues that the history of exclusionary practices and the persistent lower chances of cross-racial interactions on campus often induce a negative racial climate for minority students (66). In these universities, minority students are also likely to face more challenges during their first and second-year transition in college, as well as lack a sense of belonging which leads to higher levels of stress and alienation (Harper and Hurtado 2007). When the imagined educational communities are no longer bounded by the state, the formation of racial orders also goes beyond national boundaries (Woronov 2007). In the context of the US, researchers found that foreign students of color are subject to multifaced discrimination (Constantine et al. 2005; Lee and Rice 2007). For instance, Chinese international students are often framed in a deficit language in the US classrooms, where they are perceived as passive, unwilling to participate, and uncritical thinkers (Chalmers and Volet 1997; Robertson et al. 2000). Some researchers have emphasized how foreign students of color are racialized in the host society based on the global racial hierarchy (Kwon, Hernandez, and Moga 2019). In her recent work, Fran Martin (2020) found that Chinese international students in Melbourne, Australia, are not only the victims of racism but are also compliant of a transnational racialized hierarchy that endorses anti-Black racism. Across the Pacific Ocean, Jae-Eun Jon (2012) examined an internationalized university in South Korea and revealed that Asian domestic students also embraced a white-dominant racial ideology, which placed them ‘inferior’ to Western European international students but ‘superior’ to other Asian international students. Understanding race in China In China, while the term ‘race’ and ‘racism’ are rarely used, the conceptual thinking of ‘making differences’ was formed based on Chinese historical categorizing exercises as well as China’s economic domination by Western imperialism (Dikötter 2015). Institutional and representational tools were employed to essentialize differences between the ‘civilized Han Chinese’ and the ‘barbarian others’. Han people, who ate cooked food, possessed a lighter skin complexion, and conformed to the Confucius moral codes, were perceived as superior to other populations who did not follow the same dietary habits, were darker-skinned, and did not embrace Han cultures. While Blackness was oftentimes discussed with the slave trade in the Americas, ‘Black’ slave laborers were, in fact, common in ancient China. As early as Tang Dynasty (AD 618-907), Arabian merchants connected the African continent with Asia through the Silk Road, bringing Black slave laborers and selling them1 to work in royal courts, homes of aristocrats and affluent urban dwellers (168). The term ‘Blacks’ referred to both African and Southeast Asian menial laborers, and Blackness encapsulated the intersection of a darker skin tone and unfree social status. During the 19th century, China’s intellectuals began to form new racial understandings that merged historically Chinese differentiating exercises with Wester racial ideologies. 36 S. JIANG During the 1950s, China’s Cold War geopolitical interests fueled an anti-imperialist agenda to support the independence of African countries and African American struggles for civil rights. Between the 1950s and 1970s, the Chinese government invited African American leaders such as W.E.B Dubois, Robert Williams, and Huey Newton to Beijing and treated them with great honor and publicity (Lan 2017). Mainstream media in China promoted discourses of Sino-African solidarity and alliance between ‘Chinese revolutionary masses, Black Africans, and diasporic Africans in the United States’ (Fennell 2013). But since the Open-Door policies and neoliberal market reforms in the late 1970s, understandings of whiteness, Blackness, and Chineseness reverted back to the pro-dominance of whiteness and anti-African sentiments. Currently, China’s Belt and Road Initiative, which aims at investing in infrastructure, fossil fuels and agricultural products overseas, further facilitates a new round of colonialism in Africa, as African countries are left in ‘unsustainable levels of debt’ (Kleven 2019). As a result, African countries and Blackness have been framed primarily in a deficit language in mainstream discourses. Employing a transnational racial framework, this research delves into the historical and contemporary racial constructs in students’ homeland of China and connect those to racialization practices in educational spaces in the US. It draws from and extends the existing literature on race and international higher education mobility by calling out whiteness supremacy and its global counterpart, such as Chinese ethnocentrism, in shaping the college experiences of students. Methodology This article is a part of a broader transnational project analyzing global flows of bodies, capital, nationalist and racial ideologies, as well as their implications on education and social relations across borders. From July 2017 to August 2019, I conducted a transnational ethnography of students’ educational, racial, and housing experiences across China’s Pearl River Delta (PRD) and a predominantly white university town in the US Midwest. In this article, I specifically drew on data collected on Chinese international students’ racialized experiences, their understanding of race and racism, and the exchanges of racial ideologies. I employed purposive sampling to recruit participants in PRD—the fastest growing economic region in China with a long history of overseas exchanges and emigration. In 2017, I established close relationship with 7 participants in my preliminary fieldwork in Shenzhen, a metropolis in PRD that is adjacent to Hong Kong, and was then introduced to 8 other Shenzhen students when I started my full-time research in 2018 (see Appendix). Although I did not intentionally recruit to Chinese students from a specific socioeconomic or ethnic group, it turned out that all the participants in the study are Han Chinese from either upper-middle class or affluent class.2 At the time of the study, all participants were enrolled at Lakeside University,3 a large public university located in a medium-size town in the northern part of the US Midwest. Lakeside is a predominantly white university town, where approximately 80 percent of residents are white, 9 percent Asians and 6.5 percent African Americans.4 In the recent decade, constant budget cuts in public education pushed Lakeside University to seek additional revenues outside the state and federal government, and consequently, international student recruitment has become an important source of the new revenue. In October 2015, the Board of Regents at Lakeside University increased the existing limit on the number of out-of-state students, leading to a surge of international students British Journal of Sociology of Education 37 on campus. In 2019, Lakeside University hosted 7,108 international students, more than five times the number of African American students, triple that of Latinx students, and more than double that of Asian American students. In the same year, Chinese students made up 50 percent of the international student population at Lakeside University, far exceeding the 34 percent national average (IIE 2018). Research methods in the study included participant observation, semi-structured interviews, focus groups and document analysis. I observed 15 Shenzhen students at multiple sites, such as dorms/apartments, classrooms, student activity centers, cafes, dining halls, restaurants, and shopping malls, to examine the racial encounters between these Chinese students and domestic students/residents, and between these Shenzhen participants and other Chinese students. While most of the fieldwork involves participant observation, each participant was interviewed at least 3 times during the research. Semi-structured interviews were utilized to clarify practices, behaviors, and comments made by participants during observations. I also systematically collected news articles, journal articles, and policy documents related to the international students’ racial understanding and their racialized experiences in the US. In addition, I conducted semi-structured interviews with 8 student parents and 7 university employees, including the university housing director and staff, international student counselors, and the foreign studies program director, to understand their conceptualization of the growing Chinese international students, the intensified racial segregation on campus, as well as the institution’s policy and practices on diversity and integration. Interviews with students and their parents were conducted in Mandarin and interviews with university staff were in English. My identity as a Chinese scholar in the US helped me build rapport with participants, as I was considered ‘one of them’. Sharing the same linguistic and ethnic status with my participants, I can easily relate to the mundane processes of adjustment to English language and new social norms that these Chinese students experience on a daily basis in the US. The multiple sources of data I gathered also enabled me to effectively triangulate my research findings. Findings Objectified bodies and culture-based exclusion During my fieldwork at Lakeside University, I found that international students are usually listed under the ‘non-citizen’ category on the enrollment report, without specialization of these students’ racial identities. I could not find any report on the racial or ethnic status of international students besides their geographic origin. The aggregated data on international students that are solely based on geographic origins reveal how international students are lumped together as ‘alien’, who are primarily used to prove the institution’s effort in globalizing its student recruitment, but whose racial and ethnic identities remain ‘irrelevant’. In Lakeside, the campus as well as the city largely reflects the values and cultures of white Americans. Generations of Lakeside white families who are educated at this public university share a common memory of their ‘Lakeside experience’, represented by college sports, German beer, and the Greek life. When the institution flaunts its global reach in student admission, the pervasiveness of whiteness in the university remains mostly untouched. Chinese students also do not always feel welcomed, despite the prevalent Midwestern culture 38 S. JIANG of ‘being nice’. Castagno (2014) articulates that niceness naturalizes perspectives and communication that are ‘void of any context, history, or knowledge of race and power’ (83). In Lakeside, niceness represents an interaction that is, according many participants, ‘friendly but would never lead to true friendship’. Jin Lu, a senior student in Computer Sciences, admitted that he had not had much interaction with American students even if he lived in the US for almost four years. Other participants also reported having almost no American friends. In Lakeside, academic spaces sustained by white instructors and white teaching assistants also oftentimes marginalize non-white international students in and outside of class. Huiting Long, a junior in communication arts, said American students often ignored her when she spoke in class. Outside classrooms, Chinese students are also marginalized in spaces such as labs and libraries. Yan Zhang, a junior double majoring in economics and psychology, worked as an undergraduate assistant in a psychology lab. She found it difficult to talk with her colleagues in the lab, since ‘almost all conversations had local cultural references’. Because of the isolation, Yan became extremely conscious about what to say when there was a chance to talk to Americans. Her over-cautiousness about saying something ‘wrong’ or ‘inappropriate’ also made her fearful of offending white instructors. When Yan was dissatisfied with a white instructor in an oceanography class, she did not dare to …

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