Each question should be answered in two or three concise paragraphs.
1 – On page 147 Césaire writes: “I want to add a certain number of considerations related to my position as a man of color.” How is this related to “the right to initiative” mentioned at the bottom of page 149?
2 – On page 149 Césaire refers to “civilization with a capital C and progress with a capital P.” What does this mean? How is it related, if it is, to what he refers to (on the same page) as “fraternalism’?
3 – On page 152 we read: “My conception of the universal is that of a universal enriched by all that is particular, a universal enriched by every particular: the deepening and coexistence of all particulars.” What does this mean? How is it different from the perspective advocated by Kant, Hegel, and Marx?4 – What does Cabral mean by “re-Africanization” (mentioned on p. 45 and p. 47)? Why is it necessary in the context of the African liberation struggle? Is it in any way related to what Césaire refers to as “the right to personality”? (“Letter to Thorez,” p. 150)
5 – What does Cabral mean by “return to the source” (p. 63)? Is it related to what he refers to as “a frustration complex” (p. 62)? Who is affected by this “complex”?
Explanation & Answer length: 3 Paragraphs 5 Questions2 attachmentsSlide 1 of 2
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Letter to Maurice Thorez Aimé Césaire Aimé Césaire Député for Martinique To: Maurice Thorez General Secretary of the French Communist Party It would be easy for me to articulate, as much with respect to the French Communist Party as with respect to the Communist International as sponsored by the Soviet Union, a long list of grievances or disagreements. Lately, the harvest has been particularly bountiful: Khrushchev’s revelations concerning Stalin are enough to have plunged all those who have participated in communist activity, to whatever degree, into an abyss of shock, pain, and shame (or, at least, I hope so). The dead, the tortured, the executed — no, neither posthumous rehabilitations, nor national funerals, nor official speeches can overcome them. These are not the kind of ghosts that one can ward off with a mechanical phrase. From now on, they will show up as watermarks in the very substance of the system, as the obsession behind our feelings of failure and humiliation. And, of course, it is not the attitude of the French Communist Party as it was defined at its Fourteenth Congress — an attitude which seems to have been dictated above all by the pitiful concern of its leaders to save face — that will facilitate the dissipation of our malaise and bring about an end to the festering and bleeding of the wound at the core of our consciences. The facts are there, in all their immensity. I will cite at random: the details supplied by Khrushchev on Stalin’s methods; the true nature of the relationships between state power and the Social Text 103 t Vol. 28, No. 2 t Summer 2010 DOI 10.1215/01642472-2009-072 © 2010 Duke University Press; French original © 1956 Présence Africaine 14 5 working class in too many popular democracies, relationships that lead us to believe in the existence in these countries of a veritable state capitalism, exploiting the working class in a manner not very different from the way the working class is used in capitalist countries; the conception generally held among communist parties of Stalinist orientation of the relationship between brother states and parties, as evidenced by the avalanche of abuse dumped for five years on Yugoslavia for the crime of having asserted its will to independence; the lack of positive signs indicating willingness on the part of the Russian Communist Party and the Soviet state to grant independence to other communist parties or socialist states; or the lack of haste on the part of non-Russian parties, especially the French Communist Party, to seize the offer and declare their independence from Russia. All of this authorizes the statement that, with the exception of Yugoslavia, in numerous European countries — in the name of socialism — usurping bureaucracies that
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